quarta-feira, 23 de maio de 2012

Lista Kandidatu Partidu CNRT Nian Ba Periódu 2012-2017

Dili MLP: Lista kandidatura  Partidu Kongresu Nasional Rekonstrusaun Timor Leste (CNRT)  nian ba periodu 2012-2017:

1. Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão
2. Dionisio Babo Soares
3. Fernanda Lay
4. Vicente da S. Guterres
5. Eduardo Barreto
6. Virginia Ana Belo
7. Arão Noe
8. Duarte Nunes
9. Brigida Correia
10.  Adérito Hugo
11.  Natalino dos Santos
12.  Maria Rosa da Cãmara
13.  Izilda Perreira Soares
14.  Pedro da Costa Martins
15.  Virgilio Marçal
16.  Mateus de Jesus
17.  José da Sivla- Folaran
18.  Carmelita Moniz
19.  Domingas Alves da silva- Bilo Mali
20.  Jacob de Araujo
21.  Cesar Valente de Jesus
22.  Anselmo da Conceição
23.  Jacinto Viegas
24.  Ángela Corvelo
25.  Albina Marçal Freitas
26.  Antónia Ximenes Serpa
27.  Francisco da Costa
28.  Domingos C. De Araujo
29.  Agostinho Lay
30.  Bendita Moniz Magno
31.  Manuel da Costa Guterres
32.  Cristóvão Barros
33.  Fátima Belo
34.  Patrocinio F. dos Reis
35.  Manuel Soares Salsinha
36.  Rosa Baptista- Biante
37.  Ivo Valente
38.  Marçal Avelino Ximenes
39.  Veneranda Lemos
40.  Jesuino Matos
41.  Ilídio Ximenes da Costa
42.  Delfina C. S. Rangel
43.  João Olivio
44.  José Telo Critóvão
45.  Aliança da Costa
46.  Serafin da Costa Flores
47.  Macos Xavier
48.  Filomena de Oliveira Camóes
49.  Marcos Cardinal
50.  José Reis Magno
51.  Salustiana Simóes
52.  Martinho Laurentinho Bere
53.  Santiago Barreto
54.  Augusta Nunes
55.  Antónia Araujo
56.  Manuel Pinto
57.  Lucia Táeki
58.  Egas Barros
59.  Manuel Reis Oliveira
60.  Flavia M. Augusta Martins
61.  João Aroujo Leki
62.  Gonsalo Soares
63.  Luciana da Cruz
64.  Antoninho Salsinha
65.  Valente Ramos Bianca

No naran suplmente sira mak tuir mai ne’e

66. Ivone de Jesus Santos
67. Sérgio Lobo
68. Amandio de Sá Benevides
69. Isabel Gomes
70. Paulo De Fátima Martins
71. João Gonçalves Perreira
72. Alexandrina F. Dos Santos
73. Marcelino Cunha
74. João Tabes
75. Rita Ana Lucia Martins
76. Zeferino do S. Sequeira
77. Hermenjildo da Costa
78. Umbelina Sanches Soares
79. José Virgilio Rodrigues Ferreira
80. Pedro Horacio
81. Dionisia Maria Sávio
82. Albino da Silva
83. Adroaldo da Costa
84. Virna Ermelinda
85. Luis da Silva Andrade
86. Oscar de Araujo
87. Rosita Perreira de Carvalho
88. Carlito Pinheiro
89. Júlio Coel
90. Micaela Ximenes

Faustino: CNRT Sei Lasimu Osan Husi Kompañia Sira

Dili - MLP: Komisaun Nasional Eleisaun (CNE) hala’o ekontru urjente ho Partidu CNRT hodi ko’alia konaba ba fundus agrariasaun ne’ebé mak foin dadauk hala’o iha Sentru Konvensaun Dili (CCD).

Relasiona ho informasaun  nomos karta ne’ebé Prezidente GOPAK, Deputada, Fernanda Borges haruka ba katak Partidu CNRT simu osan  husi kompañia no ema estranjeiru sira bainhira hala’o fundus agrariasaun iha CCD. Ne’eduni parte husi komisaun Nasional Eleisaun hala’o enktru emerjénsia ho Sekretáriu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dr. Dionisio Babo.

Hafoin enkontru Prezidente CNE, Dr. Faustino Cardoso ba Jornalista Média Lebertasaun Povu imforma katak Partidu CNRT  iha komitmentu boot hodi kumpri lei no promete katak sidadaun sira ne’ebé mak hakarak fó apóiu ba Partidu maibe ho kompañia  nia naran ka ema estranjeiru  sei fo fila sira nia osan. “Ami mos hatene ona katak Partidu CNRT iha ninia konsiensia hatudu komitmentu  boot hodi tuir lei, tanba ne’e Paridu CNRT liu husi ninia ekipa ida  ne’ebé organiza “Malam Dana” iha divizaun juridikasaun agora dadaun  sei halo hela  verifiksaun ba ema sira ne’ebé mak fo dana ne’e. sekarik   sira mai husi kompañia ka ema estranjeiru  sira nia, Partidu CNRT promote katak  sei lasimu, no sei fo fila hikas ba nain” dehan Faustino hafoin enkontru ho lideransa husi Partidu CNRT Kuarta-Feira (23/05/12) iha Sede Nasional Partidu CNRT.
Prezidente CNE mos hatutan katak partidu politíku hotu-hotu iha direitu atu halo agrariasaun fundus ne’e lei  labandu ida.

“Partidu politíku sira hotu-hotu iha dereitu halo “Malam Dana” naran katak labele simu osan kompañia ruma ka ema estranjeiru” nia hatutan.

Bainhira hatan konaba imformasaun ne’ebé fo sai Prezidente GOPAK  husi Parlamentu Nasional ne’e los ka los, oras ne’e dadaun parte husi CNE komesa halibur imformsaun hotu hodi bele tetu di-diak depois mak fo sai ba públiku sei  liu husi  media sira.

Iha tempu hanesan mos Sekretáriu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dr. Dionisio Babo hateten katak enkontru ne’e  sira ko’alia liu konaba fundus agrariasaun ne’ebé mak iha loron 12 fulan Maiu tinan hala’o iha CCD, tanba publiku balun kestiona maka’as. Maibe Partidu CNRT sei halo verifikasaun ba dadus hotu hafoin simu osan husi militante sira, karik sira mai ho kompañia nia naran ka ema estranjeiru Partidu promote sei la simu sira nia osan.

Timor-Leste: 10 years of independence

On Sunday 20 May, East Timor will celebrate ten years of independence. As a nation born from the ashes of destruction, its first decade has been marked by problems and set-backs. Many in East Timor, not least its outgoing president, Jose Ramos-Horta, lament a lack of development since independence. Ramos-Horta notes that the international community has spent billions of dollars in East Timor, yet most East Timorese remain amongst the world’s poorest people. But a little over a year ago, Ramos-Horta said that the country had never been better. The question is, in part, whether the metaphorical glass is half empty or half full. It is also, in part, whether the speaker – in this case Ramos-Horta – had a political score to settle. In early 2011, Ramos-Horta was still firmly in Gusmao’s political tent. A year later, he is an ex-president outside that tent. Many East Timorese have also been disappointed with independence. With independence came statistical indicators – and a reality - that showed East Timorese people amongst the most underprivileged in the world.

A recent report noted that, as a result of malnutrition, most East Timorese children suffered from stunted growth. But East Timorese people have always been critically poor, and the situation getting worse before it gets better is an almost universal post-independence phenomenon. Unsurprisingly, rising popular frustration ran up against limited government capacity. The 2006 result, as it has been in many other newly independent countries, was chaos. Since then, however, a democratic change of government coincided with rising oil receipts and developing local capacity has seen its key development indicators vastly improve. Infant and maternal mortality rates have been cut in half and literacy has increased along with average incomes and life expectancies. If East Timorese children do have stunted, they are much less likely to die of starvation. But East Timor still has many challenges ahead of it, the biggest of which is the sustainable management of its $10 billion plus oil fund. It is this – and realistically only this - that will underpin the economy into the indefinite future. However, the oil fund is being spent at well beyond a sustainable capacity.

The government argues this spending is necessary to boost infrastructure development and skills and, in effect, buy off problems such as high unemployment. But there is the very real risk that spending will not produce the desired outcomes, will promote corruption and will eventually leave the country broke. Ten years on from independence, East Timor has two saving graces. One is that while the UN and the Australian-led peacekeepers are due to leave at the end of the year, the international community remains committed to East Timor’s longer term success. But, most importantly, the people of East Timor have embraced the idea that they can determine their own affairs. It is this commitment to regularising and further embedding political accountability, evident in the election process that is coinciding with its 10th anniversary, which gives East Timor the best chance for the future.

Timor-Leste: Coalitions and Alliances


As Timor-Leste heads towards it parliamentary elections on 7 July, it is increasingly likely that no single party will receive sufficient votes to hold an absolute majority in parliament in its own right. Despite claims by some parties’ leaders about the extent of their impending victory, none is likely in the manner in which it is being touted. As a result, the next government can be expected to be formed through an alliance or coalition of parties. While the terminology is not the determining factor, within Timor-Leste, it is commonly assumed that a ‘coalition’ is a political agreement reached between two or more parties prior to an election.

An ‘alliance’, on the other hand, is understood to be where two or more parties enter into a partnership following an election. The term ‘alliance’ has particular resonance within Timor-Leste, reflecting Article 106.1 of the Constitution, which specifies that the President must appoint as the Prime Minister either the head of the party that receives the most votes or the head of an alliance of parties that are able to form a majority in parliament. The idea of a coalition has the immediate appeal of showing voters what sort of political deals their preferred party will make prior to them voting. There is a transparency in this that is not available to post-election deal-making that can form alliances. Coalitions also come to act more like a single party, if with internal factions, which is how most political parties operate in any case.

The advantage of a coalition, tending towards being a larger single party, is that it creates a more stable political environment through consistency of ideological alignment and by helping to consolidate voting around larger blocs rather than a less coherent fracturing of smaller parties. More and smaller parties may represent specific political interests more accurately. But they also tend to become compromised by having to do deals with other parties in order to achieve a degree of political power. It is also a truism in democratic politics that while a two-party political system can narrow potential political options, it tends to offer voters a fairly clear either/or voting proposition, which in turn implies greater political stability. One need only look at the outcome of the 2012 elections in Greece to see the type of political impasse that can arise when there are a number of smaller parties that are deeply divided over key political issues. It is such chaotic political circumstances in the past that have led, in Weimar Germany in the 1930s, to an increase in presidential control over the political process, ending up with the suspension of civil liberties and the ascension of a dictator.

Similarly, as a consequence of political incoherence in France in the 1950s, it changed its constitution to increase the powers of the president from being largely ceremonial to making the system semi-presidential, with extensive presidential powers for the first years of the transition. It is unlikely that Timor-Leste will fall into political chaos as a result of its numerous small parties, primarily because it is not facing a major crisis over which the parties do not agree. But the potential for political chaos does remain larger rather than smaller while numerous parties exist. The reason for Timor-Leste’s numerous small parties is its proportional representation political system. This ensures that voters do not feel disenfranchised by being forced to vote for one of a smaller number of larger parties they might not feel political sympathy for. But this system does encourage the existence of more and necessarily smaller parties than is otherwise politically ideal.

 The main driver for maintaining a proportional representation system is to ensure that local political control does not consolidate in the hands of local power holders, as is possible under a direct representation system. But the leaders of the smaller parties also have a much greater chance of being elected under a proportional model. This self-interest is also the main driver behind party leaders not wanting to enter into coalitions ahead of elections. Party leaders believe that if they commit prior to an election, their supporters may come to believe they are not voting for their favourite party but, in effect, from the major party in the coalition. There is an element of accuracy to this assumption. As part of a pre-arranged coalition, the party leaders would also lose their capacity to bargain for ministerial positions and other influence following an election. So they tend to want to wait and then, they hope, capitalise on their vote. However, being in a coalition means that the bargaining for post-election position takes place not on the basis of votes, but on the basis of agreement. In 2007, based on the first round presidential election results, the Democratic Party, for example, looked as though it would have a strong bargaining position after the parliamentary elections.

 However, its vote significantly declined in the parliamentary elections, along with some of its bargaining power. The real question in 2012 will be, however, not how well presidential representatives did in the first round of voting, but what deals can be offered by the larger parties as they try to bring together a majority of seats in the new parliament. The two, or possibly three, main parties will each have their own agenda which, depending on the final alignment of parties in parliament, will produce very different political outcomes for Timor-Leste. It may be, as some observers, think, that there will be few surprises arising from the parliamentary elections and that the shape of the next government is relatively predictable. However, numerous smaller parties and the potential for opportunism, shifting loyalties and political revenge, Timor-Leste’s political process may yet throw up a surprise outcome.